View source for Political Thought in the Contemporary Islamic World (Book)

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'''Political Thought in the Contemporary Islamic World'''(in persian: [https://ency.feqhemoaser.com/fa/view/%D8%A7%D9%86%D8%AF%DB%8C%D8%B4%D9%87_%D8%B3%DB%8C%D8%A7%D8%B3%DB%8C_%D8%AF%D8%B1_%D8%AC%D9%87%D8%A7%D9%86_%D8%A7%D8%B3%D9%84%D8%A7%D9%85_%D9%85%D8%B9%D8%A7%D8%B5%D8%B1_(%DA%A9%D8%AA%D8%A7%D8%A8) اندیشه سیاسی در جهان اسلام معاصر]) is the tenth volume of the [[Ten-volume series "Political Jurisprudence,"|ten-volume series "Political Jurisprudence,"]] written by [[Abbas Ali Amid Zanjani]]. It addresses various topics, including the political thought of Islam within the framework of nationalism in Islamic countries, the fate of democracy in the Islamic world, modernism and reformism in contemporary Islam, discussions related to fundamentalism and anti-Western sentiment, as well as an evaluation of the ideas of Islamic political thinkers.

Amid Zanjani presents the [[Theory of wilayat faqih|theory of wilayat faqih]] (the guardianship of the Islamic jurist) as a flexible concept. While the element of Imamate remains constant and comprehensive in this thought, the notions of justice, ijtihad, and political insight are subject to significant conditions and variations. He considers two fundamental components for political thought in Islam: its ideological and monotheistic nature, as well as its derivation from the Quran and practice of Prophet Muhammad (sunnah). The author articulates the primary challenge of nationalism as its conflict with the unity of the Islamic world (the united community) and the spirit of Islam. To address the challenges posed by nationalist tendencies in Islamic countries, he emphasizes the idea of an Islamic community as proposed by Seyyed Jamal.

The author believes that despite the theoretical weaknesses of democracy and the practical obstacles it faces in the Islamic world, the theories of electoral or appointed leadership (wilayat faqih) can be reconciled with many principles, foundations, and methods of democracy. According to the author, the political model governing the Islamic Republic of Iran has the potential to find an appropriate technique for harmonizing the concepts of caliphate and imamate with modern political development and freedoms.

The author of the book believes that modernism and modernization within the Islamic world can only be addressed through the enhancement of traditional approaches to both operational matters and subjects without explicit textual references. In his analysis of fundamentalism and anti-Western attitudes in Islamic political thought, the author emphasizes that Islamic political thought is largely founded on principles of fundamentalism and the denial of alternative perspectives.

By analyzing the political thought and philosophy of Imam Khomeini, Amid Zanjani identifies three core principles: 1. The relationship between Islam and politics, 2. The necessity of establishing a government, 3. The distinction of an Islamic government from other systems. He presents the reform of religious seminaries as a crucial element and a stage in the twelve-step framework of Imam Khomeini's ideas for the establishment of a governance system based on the concept of wilayat faqih, arguing that the introduction of pure Islam is unattainable without fundamental reforms in these seminaries.

Ultimately, the author of the book identifies [[Human rights|human rights]] as foundational to the [[Rights of minorities|rights of minorities]], maintaining that from an Islamic perspective, [[Human dignity|human dignity]] serves as the primary basis and true characteristic of individual merit. He discusses the jurisprudential foundations of minority rights, positing that within the theory of the Islamic state, citizens are categorized into three groups: believers, dhimmis (non-Muslims living in an Islamic state with legal protection), and others (polytheists). In the contemporary context, the rights of minorities are secured under the framework of the dhimmi contract.
==Book structure==
"Political Thought in the Contemporary Islamic World" is the tenth volume of the ten-volume series "Political Jurisprudence," written by Abbas Ali Amid Zanjani.  The book, published by Amir Kabir Publications in 2005, is organized into seven chapters and addresses the following topics, without an introduction from the author.
# Overview, basics, and Definitions.
# Political Thought within the Framework of Nationalism; Islamic Political Thought in the Context of Nationalism in Islamic Countries.
# An Introduction to the Past, Present, and Future of Democracy in the Islamic World.
# Modernity and Modernism: The Quest for Renewal, Modernism, and Reform in Contemporary Islam.
# Fundamentalism and Anti-Western Sentiment.
# Two Models of Islamic Political Thought: An Evaluation of the Ideas of Islamic Political Thinkers.
# Threats to Global Security.
===Author===
Abbas Ali Amid Zanjani (1937 - 2011) was a prominent author, mujtahid, university professor, and researcher in political science. He pursued his studies in the religious seminaries of Qom and Najaf under esteemed scholars such as [[Seyyed Hossein Borujerdi]], [[Seyyed Ruhollah Khomeini]], [[Seyyed Abolqasem Khoei]], and [[Seyyed Mohsen Hakim]]. His well-known work, a ten-volume series on political jurisprudence, has been reprinted multiple times. Additionally, he had experience in the political arena, having served as a representative in both the Islamic Consultative Assembly and the Assembly of Experts.
==Flexibility of the Political Thought of wilayat Faqih==
According to Amid Zanjani, the title "Political Thought in Islamic Countries or in Contemporary Islam" has been subject to multiple interpretations, with eight specific viewpoints highlighted. These include the political views and foundations of governance in Islamic nations, theoretical and jurisprudential discussions prevalent in these countries, and a comparative analysis of Islamic political thought against Western political thought. He further elaborates on the definitions and interpretations of the political terms used in this context, such as political thought, political theory, political philosophy, political sociology, and classification methods. Subsequently, the author presents his own twelvefold classification.

In the overview section, the author discusses the "general characteristics of a political thought." He categorizes political ideas based on their fixed and variable elements, placing the [[Political thought of Wilayat Faqih|political thought of Wilayat Faqih]] within this classification. He describes it as a flexible ideology, noting that while the element of leadership is constant and comprehensive, the concepts of justice, ijtihad, and political insight are significant conditions that are variable and contingent (pp. 11-39).
==The essence of Islamic political thought==
To establish a general framework for the discussions, the author presents key insights regarding social sciences, religion, Islamic teachings, the connection between social sciences and religious principles from theoretical standpoint, and the religious approach to critiquing social sciences. 
The author identifies two fundamental elements of political thought in Islam: the ideological and monotheistic nature of this thought, as well as its derivation from the Quran and Sunnah.

He argues that after gaining independence, Islamic countries had two main options for establishing the legitimacy of their political systems: 1. Various political theories aligned with the concepts of Imamate and Caliphate. 2. The Western model and the contemporary secular human experience. He notes that [[Islamic democracy]], nationalism, and modernism are three ideas that have been embraced by Islamic thinkers across different Islamic nations (pp. 40-60).
==The ideological conflict between nationalism and the unity of the community and racism==
Political thought framed within nationalism is a significant topic addressed in the second chapter of the book. The author identifies three facets of nationalism: 1. Patriotism and national identity, 2. Distinction of a human unit, and 3. Racism. According to the author, the initial sparks of nationalism and patriotic movements in Islamic regions emerged in Egypt, driven by two motivations: the desire to escape colonialism and achieve independence, as well as the aspiration to liberate themselves from the Ottoman Empire's influence. Furthermore, nationalism, in all its forms, presents two ideological challenges: it conflicts with the unity of the Islamic world (the Ummah) and contradicts the essence of Islam, while also being condemned for its racist tendencies.

Amid Zanjani categorizes Arab nationalism into four distinct historical segments: 1. The pre-Islamic period known as the age of ignorance, 2. The initial phase of Islamic-Arab conquests up to the end of the Abbasid dynasty, 3. The Ottoman Empire and the influence of Turkish nationalism on Arab nations, 4. The dissolution of the Ottoman Empire and the subsequent emergence of new movements advocating for Arab identity and Pan-Arabism, which reflect interpretations of political Islam that combine elements of Arab and Islamic nationalism.

In this work, the author explores the themes of secular Arab nationalism and Muslim Arab nationalism, as well as their opponents. In the discussion of the "Arab nation," it is noted that this term is derived from the Islamic and Quranic sanctity associated with the word " Ummah," which is employed to validate Arab nationalism. Amid Zanjani interprets and explains the term " Ummah " within the Quran, noting that its historical and contextual meanings differ significantly from its current political interpretations (pp. 61-83). 
==The Islamic community of Seyyed Jamal v. "Arab community" nationalism==
Amid Zanjani also addresses the topic of "the relationship between Islam and the Arabic language" in the context of nationalism, which remains a subject of debate among both proponents and opponents of Arab nationalism. He subsequently presents Islam as an ideology that extends beyond mere language. Following his examination of nationalism and the Arabic script, he also discusses and critiques the nationalisms of non-Muslim Arabs, Ottoman Turks, Iranians, and Indians. 

In the concluding section of the second chapter, the discussion on "Islamic Nationalism" highlights a new interpretation of nationalism within the framework of an Islamic community and a transnational ideology in contrast to Arab community. The author posits that Sayyid Jamal was the first to employ the term Islamic community in opposition to Arab identity in his writings published in "Al-‘Urwah Al-Wuthqā." 

The author further explores the theme of "Iranian Nationalism," advocating for the view that Shi'ism can be interpreted as a variant of Iranian nationalism that stands against the ruling Islam and embodies the concealed national aspirations of Iranians in light of their historical setbacks against Arab Islam. He examines this issue across various Iranian governments, spanning from the Abbasid caliphate to the Constitutional Revolution, the National Front, the monarchists, the Pahlavi dynasty, and the eventual victory of the Islamic Revolution (pp. 84-122).
==The potential for reconciling democracy with the theories of Wilayat Faqih==
Democracy is a significant topic within political thought, and the author of the book addresses this subject under the topic of "An Introduction to the Past, Present, and Future of Democracy in the Islamic World". He begins with a discussion on the "history of democracy" and proceeds to explore " democracy in the modern Islamic world, the weaknesses of democracy, and the obstacles to its implementation." In the section titled "Conflict with Democracy," the author argues that the theory of elected or appointed wilayat faqih can be reconciled with many principles, basics, and methods of democracy.

He examines the "similarities and differences" between democracy and the foundations of Islamic political thought from the perspectives of Shia and Sunni thinkers. The author believes that, despite the presence of both staunch opponents and proponents, the majority of Muslim scholars and intellectuals find themselves in the third category when comparing democracy and Islam, acknowledging both similarities and differences between the two. The author also references the views of figures such as Seyyed Jamal, Sheikh Abduh, Rashid Rida, Mirza Na'ini, the Egyptian scholar Rifa'a Tahtawi, Khair al-Din Tunisi, Kawakibi, Sobhi Mahmassani, Sobhi Saleh, Mohamed Hassanein Heikal, among others (pp. 23-178).
==Reconciling caliphate and leadership with political development and freedom==
The author identifies the bitter experience of the Ottoman Empire as a contributing factor to the "crisis of Islamic democracy in the Muslim world." This, combined with the historical mindset of Muslims (the dream of the era of the Rightly Guided Caliphs) and other factors, has enabled colonial powers to modernize authoritarian regimes in Islamic countries (such as Saudi Arabia, Jordan, Iraq, and Iran), despite their independence.

Amid Zanjani believes that the reliance on taqlid, inflexibility and the cessation of ijtihad within the Sunni schools of thought have limited the capacity of influential jurists, including Al-Ghazali and Ibn Taymiyyah, to make a clear distinction between the constant and changing rules of Islam, thus impeding the effective realization of Islamic democracy.

Given the democratic crisis affecting both Western nations and the Islamic world, the chapter concludes with "The Future of Political Systems in Islamic Countries". The author highlights the success of Islamic Iran in political modeling, presenting it as a good example for the revival of the caliphate from a Sunni perspective. He emphasizes that this depends on Iran's economic success and its international standing. Furthermore, the primary challenge facing the future of political thought in the Islamic world lies in finding an appropriate method to reconcile the concepts of caliphate and imamate with political development and freedoms in their modern sense (pp. 179-189).
==The acceptance of modernism in executive matters and areas where there is no explicit text and directive==
Does safeguarding our precious heritage and remaining devoted to religious traditions inherently imply a regressive stance that turns away from modernity? Amid Zanjani opens his chapter on modernity with this inquiry and then explores the concept of modernity in Islamic political philosophy. He classifies the interaction with modernity, innovative thinking, and progressive aspirations in the Islamic world into three categories:

# Absolute opponents (with reformism and innovation): Modernism is synonymous with innovation, like Salafism in Wahhabism and the Muslim Brotherhood.
# 
# Absolute supporters (progressive Islam): Modernism is not only compatible with Islam but is also essential and vital, as exemplified by figures such as Ali Abd al-Razaq, Mustafa Kamal, Seyyed Ahmad Khan, and Seyyed Hassan Taqizadeh.
# 
# Modernism in executive matters (moderate thought): Adherence to textual sources while embracing modernism in practical issues and areas without explicit texts, as demonstrated by Allameh Tabatabai and Imam Khomeini.

Amid Zanjani delineates the third approach into two primary components: 1. The traditional methods of implementing religious texts that have been replaced by new approaches. 2. The realm of freedom and religious gaps where no specific viewpoint is obligatory (where there is no text); this includes concepts such as governance, the structure of government, the separation of powers, and political and economic development programs.
Within this third perspective, the significance of both constant and changing systems, as well as the transition of primary principles into secondary ones are emphasized. It is vital to recognize the "role of religious texts" and to achieve pluralism (pp. 191-203).
The author of the book subsequently addresses three topics: the role of ijtihad, the concept of innovation, and the failure of the caliphate theory. He discusses issues such as the nature of ijtihad, the significance of financial matters, the focus on fatwas and authority, the quest for ijtihad in modernity and its challenges, as well as the fate of modernism in the Islamic world (pp. 204-218).
== Islamic Political Thought Based on Fundamentalism and Rejection of other Ideologies==
In the fifth chapter of the book (Fundamentalism and Anti-Western Sentiment), the author explores the political ideology associated with fundamentalism. The discussion begins with an "analysis of the external causes and factors related to the issue", followed by an exploration of the "theoretical foundations" and "motivations behind anti-Western ideology". The author then introduces the concepts of "clash of civilizations" and "reconciliation instead of conflict," subsequently outlining "the implications of a dual policy of reconciliation and confrontation". Finally, the chapter highlights the consequences of anti-Western sentiment in modern world", citing examples such as the Camp David Accords. Amid Zanjani notes in his analysis that the essential principles of fundamentalism and pluralism (religious tolerance and forbearance) are reflected in Islam and the Quranic texts. However, a thorough examination of the Quranic verses and jurisprudential rulings indicates that Islamic political thought is fundamentally grounded in principles of fundamentalism and the dismissal of alternative views, though this is not meant to reflect any sense of bias. He explores ten interpretations of fundamentalism, some of which are inconsistent with genuine Islamic teachings, such as fundamentalism and blind adherence or bias, violence inclination, opposition to innovation, and a state of backwardness (pp. 219-278).
==Obedience to a just or corrupt caliph or sultan in the political philosophy of Ibn Taymiyyah==
Amid Zanjani considers Salafism to lack the criteria required for presenting a political ideology; however, he addresses the topic as it is a modern political thought influencing several Islamic countries. He discusses the "intricacies of Ibn Taymiyyah's personality" and further explores "the primary challenge faced by Ibn Taymiyyah," "the political ideas found in Ibn Taymiyyah's writings," "Ibn Taymiyyah's position against his contemporary regimes" (including the Mongol incursions, Allameh Helli, and the rulers of Syria and Egypt), and "the political philosophy of Ibn Taymiyyah." This analysis aims to reveal how "Salafism, from theory to political system," has created the conditions for the "renewal of Ibn Taymiyyah's thought" (as seen with the Wahhabis in Saudi Arabia).

The author contends that Ibn Taymiyyah considers obedience to a just or unjust caliph and ruler necessary, as divine law is enacted in both governments. Thus, no individual or authority has the right to exercise governance or demand obedience outside the jurisdiction of divine law. He considers six possible scenarios regarding Ibn Taymiyyah's political ideology and the political legitimacy from his perspective; but he focuses on four specific cases: 1. The supreme imamate (the prophetic caliphate and the rightly guided caliphs), 2. The unjust supreme caliph, 3. Grand Sultans, and 4. The rulers and governors (pp. 279-329).
==The necessity of establishing a government from the perspective of Imam Khomeini==
The political thought of Imam Khomeini and the Islamic Revolution of Iran represents the second model of political thought in Islam, which the author elaborates on following the Salafi model (Ibn Taymiyyah). To achieve this, he examines Imam Khomeini's "Treatise on wilayat faqih" in three distinct sections: political philosophy, political thought, and the theory of the Islamic Revolution. 

Furthermore, to comprehend the "political logic of Imam Khomeini," he considers the evolution of his idea and the subsequent extension of this thought.

Amid Zanjani outlines three fundamental principles regarding the political philosophy of Imam Khomeini: 1. The relationship between Islam and politics, 2. The necessity of establishing a government, and 3. The differences between an Islamic government and other political systems. He further identifies the interpretation of the concept of wilayat (guardianship) as a central element of Imam Khomeini's political thought, which has given rise to the theory of appointment of wilayat faqih. 

Within the theoretical discourse on the Islamic Revolution found in the treatise on wilayat faqih, the author presents "the reform of theological seminaries" as one of the twelve stages and elements necessary for the conceptualization of the idea of wilayat faqih: He states, "In outlining the step-by-step process of the Islamic Revolution, Imam Khomeini, faced with a significant obstacle such as the dominance of a culture of silence and complacency within the seminaries, is compelled to resort to a vigorous response. Despite his deep affection and attachment to the traditional state of the seminaries, he considers fundamental reform of these institutions as unavoidable; for without it, the introduction of pure Islam is not feasible" (pp. 329-373).
==Minority rights based on human dignity and the covenant of protection==
The concluding chapter, entitled "Threats to Global Security," unveils the new imperialistic framework "disguised as a struggle against terrorism", highlighting "the dual aspect of anti-terrorism efforts" that led to the emergence of "a new wave of anti-Western sentiment and revolutionary Islam"; however, they faced challenges from "the evolved representation of revolutionary Islam" after the Islamic Revolution's success in Iran! Finally, the book concludes with examining the minority rights through both legal and jurisprudential perspectives (pp. 375 to 431).
Amid Zanjani posits that the concept of human rights is fundamentally derived from the rights of minorities, asserting that, from an Islamic viewpoint, human dignity is the core principle and genuine hallmark of individual merit. He notes that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights addresses the effect rather than the underlying cause (human dignity). Additionally, he explores the principle of brotherhood in Islam, which originates from faith or belief and human creation. Another point raised by the author is the inadequacy of majority rule in democracy when it comes to protecting the rights of the general populace and minority groups (pp. 412-414). Amid Zanjani divides the rights of minorities into two categories: national and international rights (pp. 415-420). He argues that, according to the jurisprudential perspective of Dar al-Islam, citizens are categorized into three distinct groups: believers, dhimmis, and others (polytheists). Today, the rights of minorities can be encompassed within the framework of the dhimmi contract (covenant of protection) (p. 421). At the conclusion of his book, he examines the rights of minorities within the Islamic Republic of Iran, elaborating on five constitutional articles relevant to religious minorities: Articles 13 to 15, as well as Articles 26 and 64 of the Constitution (pp. 429-431).
[[fa:اندیشه سیاسی در جهان اسلام معاصر (کتاب)]]
[[category: book review]]
[[category: books by  Abbas Ali Amid Zanjani]]